The Boer State Party
From Jan: This is the ONLY political party in South Africa that I will support. I have met their leader and know their history. *ALL* other Political Parties in SA are a total waste of time for Whites. This political party cares about Whites. They say: We fight for our People‘s Freedom and Safe continued existence in the new South Africa!
This is from the book Body of Secrets, the history of the NSA. A big question for Americans regarding the Israeli attack on the Liberty, relates to the MOTIVE. Why? Why did the Israelis attack the Liberty?
Israel later told the US Govt that they "made a mistake". The Jews also did this in the 1948 war when they murdered entire villages of Arabs. They just said "It was a mistake" and that’s the end of it. According to the book, the US Govt, especially the military/intelligence people did NOT buy the "mistake story" of the Jews. The evidence is totally clear, because Israeli planes came and watched the Liberty for hours and they flew past it. The Israelis knew 100% this was an American ship. Also, all survivors state that the US Flag was flying clearly on a sunny day. The Israelis knew they were attacking an American ship.
But why? Well, the real secret that the Israeli’s have kept, is that the USS Liberty was close to the coast and in view of a town called El Arish. And in El Arish, the Jews were busy murdering, Egyptian POWS. In fact, the Israeli army was doing a LOT of civilian murder that day. But the USS Libery, as a spy ship, was listening in on all radio comms and was picking up everything. And the Israelis knew it was a US spy ship. In order to hide their slaughter of the POW’s, they wanted to sink the Liberty and ensure that NOBODY SURVIVED. That is why they engaged in the brutal, hours-long attack that they did.
Here is the real secret about the USS Liberty. This is how the book describes the murder of about 1,000 Egyptians who had surrendered that day. When a soldier surrenders, you are to look after him. That is international law. Israel, in violation of international law was carrying out a genocide. This is how the book describes it. Page 201-204:
By June 8, three days after Israel launched the war, Egyptian pris-
oners in the Sinai had become nuisances. There was no place to house
them, not enough Israelis to watch them, and few vehicles to transport
them to prison camps. But there was another way to deal with them.
As the Liberty sat within eyeshot of El Arish, eavesdropping on
surrounding communications, Israeli soldiers turned the town into a
B O D Y OF S E C R E T S
slaughterhouse, systematically butchering their prisoners. In the shadow
of the El Arish mosque, they lined up about sixty unarmed Egyptian
prisoners, hands tied behind their backs, and then opened fire with ma-
chine guns until the pale desert sand turned red. Then they forced other
prisoners to bury the victims in mass graves. "I saw a line of prisoners,
civilians and military," said Abdelsalam Moussa, one of those who dug
the graves, "and they opened fire at them all at once. When they were
dead, they told us to bury them." Nearby, another group of Israelis
gunned down thirty more prisoners and then ordered some Bedouins to
cover them with sand.
In still another incident at El Arish, the Israeli journalist Gabi
Bron saw about 150 Egyptian POWs sitting on the ground, crowded to-
gether with their hands held at the backs of their necks. "The Egyptian
prisoners of war were ordered to dig pits and then army police shot
them to death," Bron said. "I witnessed the executions with my own
eyes on the morning of June eighth, in the airport area of El Arish."
The Israeli military historian Aryeh Yitzhaki, who worked in the
army’s history department after the war, said he and other officers col-
lected testimony from dozens of soldiers who admitted killing POWs.
According to Yitzhaki, Israeli troops killed, in cold blood, as many as
1,000 Egyptian prisoners in the Sinai, including some 400 in the sand
dunes of El Arish.
Ironically, Ariel Sharon, who was capturing territory south of El
Arish at the time of the slaughter, had been close to massacres during
other conflicts. One of his men during the Suez crisis in 1956, Arye Biro,
now a retired brigadier general, recently admitted the unprovoked
killing of forty-nine prisoners of war in the Sinai in 1956. "I had my
Karl Gustav [weapon] I had taken from the Egyptian. My officer had an
Uzi. The Egyptian prisoners were sitting there with their faces turned
to us. We turned to them with our loaded guns and shot them. Magazine
after magazine. They didn’t get a chance to react." At another point,
Biro said, he found Egyptian soldiers prostrate •with thirst. He said that
after taunting them by pouring water from his canteen into the sand, he
killed them. "If I were to be put on trial for what I did," he said, "then
it would be necessary to put on trial at least one-half the Israeli army,
which, in similar circumstances, did what I did." Sharon, who says he
learned of the 1956 prisoner shootings only after they happened, refused
to say whether he took any disciplinary action against those involved, or
even objected to the killings.
Later in his career, in 1982, Sharon would be held "indirectly re-
sponsible" for the slaughter of about 900 men, women, and children by
Lebanese Christian militia at the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps fol-
lowing Israel’s invasion of Lebanon. Despite his grisly past, or maybe
because of it, in October 1998 he was appointed minister of foreign af-
fairs in the cabinet of right-wing prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Sharon later took over the conservative Likud Party. On September 28,
2000, he set off the bloodiest upheaval between Israeli forces and Pales-
tinians in a generation, which resulted in a collapse of the seven-year
peace process. The deadly battles, which killed over 200 Palestinians and
several Israeli soldiers, broke out following a provocative visit by Sharon
to the compound known as Haram as-Sharif (Noble Sanctuary) to Mus-
lims and Temple Mount to Jews. Addressing the question of Israeli war
crimes, Sharon said in 1995, "Israel doesn’t need this, and no one can
preach to us about it—no one."
Of the 1967 Sinai slaughter, Aryeh Yitzhaki said, "The whole
army leadership, including [then] Defense Minister Moshe Dayan and
Chief of Staff [and later Prime Minister Yitzhak] Rabin and the gener-
als knew about these things. No one bothered to denounce them."
Yitzhaki said not only were the massacres known, but senior Israeli of-
ficials tried their best to cover them up by not releasing a report he had
prepared on the murders in 1968.
The extensive war crimes were just one of the deep secrets Israel
had sought to conceal since the start of the conflict. From the very be-
ginning, an essential element in the Israeli battle plan seemed to have
been to hide much of the war behind a carefully constructed curtain of
lies. Lies about the Egyptian threat, lies about who started the war, lies
to the American president, lies to the UN Security Council, lies to the
press, lies to the public. Thus, as the American naval historian Dr.
Richard K. Smith noted in an article on the Liberty for United States
Naval Institute Proceedings, "any instrument which sought to penetrate
this smoke screen so carefully thrown around the normal ‘fog of war’
would have to be frustrated."
Into this sea of lies, deception, and slaughter sailed the USS Lib-
erty, an enormous American spy factory loaded with $10.2 million204
B O D Y O F S E C R E T S
worth of the latest eavesdropping gear. At 10:59 A.M., the minaret at El
Arish was logged at seventeen miles away, at bearing 189 degrees. Sail-
ing at five knots, the Liberty was practically treading water.
By 10:55 A.M., senior Israeli officials knew for certain that they had
an American electronic spy in their midst. Not only was the ship clearly
visible to the forces at El Arish, it had been positively identified by Is-
raeli naval headquarters.
The Israeli naval observer on the airborne reconnaissance mission
that had earlier observed the Liberty passed on the information to Com-
mander Pinchas Pinchasy, the naval liaison officer at Israeli air force
headquarters. "I reported this detection to Naval Headquarters," said
Pinchasy, "and I imagine that Naval Headquarters received this report
from the other channel, from the Air Force ground control as well." Pin-
chasy had pulled out a copy of the reference book Jane’s Fighting Ships
and looked up the "GTR-5" designation. He then sent a report to the
acting chief of naval operations at Israeli navy headquarters in Haifa.
The report said that the ship cruising slowly off El Arish was "an elec-
tromagnetic audio-surveillance ship of the U.S. Navy, named Liberty,
whose marking was GTR-5."
Not only did the ship have "GTR-5" painted broadly on both sides
of its bow and stern, it also had its name painted in large, bold, black let-
ters: "U.S.S. LIBERTY."
Although no one on the Liberty knew it, they were about to have
[So we will leave it there. That is what the Body of Secrets has to say about the big secret the Jews were hiding … their massacre of the Egyptians. However, the NSA knew much more and the NSA had a spy plane in the sky which was also recording the same stuff. However, the Israelis did not know it was there, and the spy plane left the area later with all the info on what was happening.
div>In The Body of Secrets, they give an extremely detailed and horrific account of the Israeli attack on the USS Liberty, including the many lies the Jews told afterwards about it. The Jews used Mirage jets as well as torpedo boats to try and destroy the ship and the crew realised that if they abandoned ship, that the Israelis would kill them all in the sea. So they did their utmost to keep the ship afloat and it worked, and that's how they survived. Jan]
This is a website run by an excellent British man that I know who is a true racialist. He puts out good, solid content.